Kajian Estetika Terapan Pada Karya Seni Rupa The Way Out...

DAFTAR ISI BAB I 2 1.1 Abstrak 2 1.2 Tinjauan Aspek Formalistik dan Prinsip Desain 3 BAB II 7 2.1 Tinjauan Singkat Sejarah 7 2.2 Tinjauan Dimensi pada Karya Grie 12 2.2.1 Dimensi Psikologi 12 2.2.2 Dimensi Filsafati 14 2.2.3 Dimensi Sosiologis 17 BAB III 19 3.1 Tinjauan Singkat Ikonologis 19 3.2 Interpretasi akan Objek Seni 20 KEPUSTAKAAN 23 BAB I KAJIAN PRA-IKONOGRAFIS 1.1 Abstrak Dalam kajian analisa ini, penulis ingin mencoba melakukan analisa pra-ikonografis pada objek seni rupa berupa sebuah karya seni digital (olah komputer) oleh George Grie dengan judul â€Å"The Way Out: Suicidal Ideation†. â€Å"The Way Out: Suicidal Ideation† adalah sebuah karya seni rupa digital bergaya neosurrealis dengan tema†¦show more content†¦Ditambah dengan adanya sepasang paruh wajah yang terlihat tanpa ekspresi, hal ini sangatlah cocok dengan kondisi psikologis sang pelaku karena adanya depresi dan kesuraman dalam hidupnya. BAB II KAJIAN IKONOGRAFIS 2.1 Tinjauan Singkat Sejarah Surrealisme adalah suatu pergerakan kebudayaan pada awal era 1920-an, dan banyak dikenal melalui karya-karya seni visual dan tulisan. Karya-karya seni surrealis ini pada umumnya menonjolkan unsur-unsur kejutan (elements of surprise), hal-hal yang saling bertentangan (kontras/juxtaposition) dan juga hal-hal yang tidak biasa/irasional (non sequitur); namun, banyak seniman-seniman Surrealisme menganggap karya mereka utamanya sebagai wujud ekspresi pergerakan filosofis dan hasil karyanya adalah artifak seni. Surrealisme berkembang setelah adanya pergerakan Dada (Dadaisme) dimana pusat pergerakannya berada di kota Paris. Setelah tahun 1920-an kedepan, pergerakan surrealism mulai menyebar ke seluruh dunia, yang pada akhirnya sangat mempengaruhu seni-seni visual, film, musik, dan literature pada banyak negara dan bahasa, dengan memiliki dampak juga terhadap pandangan politik, filosofi dan teori-teori sosial. Perang Dunia I telah menyebabkan penulis-penulis dan seniman-seniman yang berpusat di Paris untuk menyebar, dan pada banyak kejadian, banyak dari penulis-penulis dan

Conceptions of the Cold War Essay - 1006 Words

EXPLORING THE 1960s: An Interdisciplinary Approach Professor Daniel Burrello By: Janet Lewis Unit 2 Assignment Due: May 28, 2013 EDWARD C. RADZIK What words or phrases come to mind when you think of the term Cold War? The term Cold War can be defined as the period of political impasse which existed between our country (U.S.A.) and U.S.S.R. from the early 1950s until the fall of Communism in the early 1980s. Words and phrases associated with Cold War include, race to arms, race to space, Bay of Pigs, and The Berlin Wall. Did you ever study the Cold War in school? If so, what are some aspects of the Cold War that you remember? Having been born in 1952, I lived†¦show more content†¦Having air raid drills, having fallout shelters in schools and seeing the barrels of food items stored. Who were the parties involved in the Cold War? The United States and the Soviet Union. Can you name any key events that we mainly associate with the Cold War? The end of World War II when the United States and the Soviet Union were allies against Germany. After the war the Soviet Union wanted to expand its power and influence in Europe by destroying Germany and creating other Soviet states, the United States wanted to rebuild the country and turn it into a democracy. Thats why until recently, there was an East and West Germany. Also, in the 1960s, the Soviet Union sent nuclear missiles to Cuba which is only 90 miles off the coast of Florida as a show of strength to intimidate President Kennedy. JAMES RUDDY What words or phrases come to mind when you think of the term Cold War? Cuba missile crisis, Berlin Wall, Ronald Reagan and Checkpoint Charley. Did you ever study the Cold War in school? If so, what are some aspects of the Cold War that you remember? Yes. Cuba missile crisis and air raid drill. Who were the parties involved in the Cold War? U.S. and Soviet Union. Can you name any key events that we mainly associate with the Cold War? 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These disagreementsRead MoreThe Realist Versus Liberalist Debate1432 Words   |  6 Pageswidely believed conception that studying the present implies studying the past, which would help us understand the mistakes we’ve done and make us avoid them similar concept to the â€Å"We learn from our mistakes† concept. After all, James Rosenau did say of theory as being â€Å"a framework for understanding the world,† . For instance, if we take as an example the Second World War, studying it will mean studying its causes which would help us avoid a similar case in the Future. The Second World War is not a randomRead MorePort Huron Statement Analysis956 Words   |  4 PagesIn 1962 America was going through a tough period, marked by the Cold War, against USSR and its communism. This was also the time of the Vietnam War and the Arms Race, with the possession of the nuclear weapon, and the president of the time, John F. Kennedy was a fervent believer in the â€Å"Domino Theory† and intended to contain communism. This situation was one of the elements that would lead to people’s dissatisfaction and fear, and to many contestations through popular means, like music, for exampleRead MoreModernization Theory Of The Post War Years1324 Words   |  6 Pagessentiment with regards to development following the Second World War. The United States found themselves in a unique position where they had shown their military and technological prowess, were the only vict or whose infrastructure had not been damaged by the war and saw themselves as the technological leader of the world and a model to be emulated. Along with growing fears about Cold War tensions and the threat of communism, the domestic post-war environment contributed to the emergence of the predominant

Life of Walt Whitman Free Essays

Walt Whitman is one of the most eminent poets of America who expressed the condition of nineteenth century American society in his works, which always reflected the cruel, unjust and discerning face of the country. In his period the Americans reviewed those illustrations unpatriotic so his poetic license was very much condemned. At the time of his death only he got recognition by his country. We will write a custom essay sample on Life of Walt Whitman or any similar topic only for you Order Now Walt Whitman was born on May 31, 1819 in West Hills, New York. His father, Walter Whitman, Sr., was a carpenter and farmer. Whitman was named after his father. His origin was mixed with English and Dutch. He was the second son of Walter Whitman and Louisa Van Velsor, the granddaughter of a sea captain. When Walt was not just even four years old, Walter Sr. with his family that consisted of nine children moved to Brooklyn, which was a growing city, across from New York. As he was not successful in any of his trade so he decided to try his fortune in house building. And when Walt was six year old, General Lafayette who visited the New York that time carried him. This is described in some of Walt’s stories (Ed Folsom and Kenneth M. Price). Walt was born in a newly shaped United States. The young Whitman got lots of opportunities to gather experience from his farm life and the new city society that helped him to prepare his attitude for writing. Walt’s love for living close to the East River later reflected in his poem â€Å"Crossing Brooklyn Ferry†, published in 1856 where he has shared his experience that how as a child he used to ride ferries onwards and reverse to New York city. That was the most reminiscent experience in his life. This daily commuting became the symbol of the way from life to death and to life again (Ed Folsom and Kenneth M. Price). In Brooklyn Whitman finished his elementary schooling. He spent his six years in Brooklyn public school with different backgrounds and age group children. He described later in his journals and poetry that he never liked physical punishment in schools. Except this formal education of schooling he received most of the significant education from outside like visiting museums and libraries and by attending lectures. He never forgot the first great lecture given by Quaker leader, Elias Hicks who was a very good friend of his grandfather Jesse. In his boyhood, Whitman’s one of the favorite activities was to visit his grandparents on Long Island and the beauty of that mystical land attracted him a lot. His love to that place is revealed from his poem â€Å"Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking†. As Whitman grew up in both places like growing and energetic city Brooklyn and idle Long Island countryside, the double adherence of urban and rural life can be marked out in his poetry (Ed Folsom and Kenneth M. Price). When Whitman finished his formal schooling, at the age of eleven, he started working as a clerk in a local office of some lawyers where his work was related to the libraries and there he got chance to start with his informal education. His love to get engaged with everyone in conversation and discussion also increased his knowledge. He was also a nonstop reader. When other celebrated writers of his time were taking well-arranged education from private institutions, Whitman was busy in gathering information about history, literature, music and some other fields from the fastest growing city New York. In 1831 he learnt printing trade during being an apprentice in Patriot, a newspaper and started liking written word. Here he observed how the thoughts could be changed in to language and soon could be transmitted to the readers. As he was mainly self-taught, he became familiar with the works of Dante, Shakespeare, Homer and the Bible. At the age of twelve only he also added his words in the newspaper. In 1833, his family moved back to the West Hills. Whitman was alone in the city experiencing the freedom that could make his career. These were the years, which taught him the changing parameters of life that reflects in his poetry also. In his poetry, journalism and prose one can find focus on the history of Brooklyn, Long Island and New York City. Walt was living separately from his family and was increasing his knowledge from different sources like in the libraries he read about Sir Walter Scott, James Cooper and other romance novelists. He saw the theatres where he liked Shakespeare a lot. Richard III had always been Whitman’s favorite play. He gathered lots of knowledge from different lectures of Francis Wright who was a Scottish Women’s right advocate   (Ed Folsom and Kenneth M. Price). At the age of sixteen he was about to set his career in the printing trade and news paper when in two cases of fire destruction in the printing industry of New York city stopped him and in 1836 Whitman joined his family back in Hampstead. Though Whitman had very little formal education still he developed some skills of reading and writing through the profession of apprentice in the newspaper. That was sufficient for the type of teaching he could do for some time. He opposed his father who wanted him to work on their new farm, as he never wanted to be a farmer. Only teaching was the career left for him to support him and his family in a very bad financial situation. In his five years of teaching profession he taught in many different towns of Long Island with a very little payment. Whitman proved to be a good teacher and he encouraged the students to think instead of only reciting. He discouraged the punishment and he involved the students in educational games. Whitman’s educational philosophy can be understood in his poem â€Å"There Was a Child Went Forth† commemorating extra curricular learning. He valued the variety of education. His suspicion for the classroom is produced from the poem â€Å"Song Of Myself† where a child ask the question â€Å"What is a grass?† and this is the question that makes Whitman thinking for a simple question. He kept himself energetic by discussing about societies. He also did campaigning for Martin Van Buren’s and became the hard worker for the Democratic Party. In 1838, he tried to start his own newspaper ‘The Long Islander’. He also bought a press and kept his brother George as an assistant. Though he actively wrote, published and edited still, he could not continue long in this field and unwillingly he had to continue in teaching and by 1841 his teaching career was almost at end. He was happy with his newspaper work and could not find happiness in teaching. In the late 1840s, Whitman wrote some journalistic pieces and by the early 1860s, he permanently left teaching career, as he did not find himself suited in this career. Then he decided not to make his career in fiction writing, instead establish himself in the career of journalism. His poetry and fiction was published in about twenty newspapers and magazines. His stories were published in Democratic Review, the most reputed magazine of the nation. His stories are full of professional and psychological matters. His story ‘The Shadow and The Light of a Young Man’s Soul’ narrates Whitman’s own attitude. In the story, the hero, Archibald Dean, left the New York City due to a fire incident and took the charge of a school. H e successfully wrote some novella about rising temperance movement. Benjamin who was Whitman’s partner published his Franklin Evans; or the Inebriate in New World. Whitman’s handling romance and passion in this novel is remarkable. Approximately, 20000 copies of Franklin Evans were sold. This was the novel that Whitman completed in three days. Whitman supported temperance movement in his another two stories- ‘Wild Frank’s Return’ and ‘The Child’s Champion’ Soon he started another novel ‘The Madman’ on the theme of temperance but he left it in the middle. It is assumed that his temperance issue came from the drinking habits of his father or may be his habit of drinking at the time of school teaching. Whitman and The Leaves of Grass: Having faith in his own fictional journey of national importance, Whitman published his Leaves of Grass on 4 July 1855. He believed that he could give his poetry to the common men and when Leaves of Grass got published, he imagined himself the poet of America and referred himself â€Å"one of the roughs†, a common man (Pierce A. Jason, 1992). The poem clearly classified Whitman’s goal as a national poet who was a self styled poet. Leaves of Grass had the series of edition making the poet and nation’s life unique (Pierce A. Jason, 1992). His ‘The Leaves of Grass’ became the notorious collection. In 1855, he got it published privately, as no reputed publisher was ready to publish it. The 19th century Americans were not ready to accept the subjects like homo-sexuality, respect for prostitutes, religious references about Adams and Eves that was the subject of this work. Whitman included the civil war thing in the third edition of ‘The Leaves of Grass’ as the war erupted in 1861. At that time Abraham Lincoln’s assassination affected him a lot and he got inspiration to write his most remarkable poem â€Å"When Lilacs Last in the Dooryard Bloom†. His war poetry titled â€Å"Drum Taps† was added in to Leaves of Grass. He would declare that his leaves of Grass spin around the four years of civil war   (Pierce A. Jason, 1992). Whitman was never discouraged. He never stopped revising â€Å"The Leaves of Grass† and kept on adding poems. He added poems at leas eight times. For the first edition of â€Å"The Leaves of Grass†, he paid from his own pocket and got only 795 copies printed. Whitman never put his name on the title page of the book and that was assumed unconventional and it was understood that not putting the name on the title page was much about America not the writer himself. Whitman never got married and never left America. He never lost his hope even in his last years, though he was badly criticized for his work â€Å"The Leaves of Grass†. He always kept his self-esteem. In 1881, again the disputable publication of â€Å"The Leaves of Grass† appeared. Same time Whitman published â€Å"Specimen Days and Collect†. In 1888, his collection of newspaper pieces â€Å"November Boughs† was published. On May 26, 1892 Whitman died. And after death he got lot of recognition. American poetry got enriched with the poetic ideas of Whitman. He emphasized on the natural and simple way of poetry. His use of free verse put deep effect on the poetry. His poems have variety in rhythm. After his death he left many notes about the intention of writing â€Å"The Leaves of Grass†. He was a tolerant, contended and joyful man. Whitman’s place in American history is mysterious. It seems that it is based on the ideas upon which America was established (Pierce A. Jason, 1992). References: Biography of Walt Whitman, http://utut.essortment.com/waltwhitmanbio_pmq.htm Folsom, Ed and Price, Kenneth M., Biography of Walt Whitman, http://whitmanarchive.org/biography/index.html Carpenter Edward, Days with Walt Whitman With Some Notes On his Life and works Folsom, Ed and Price, Kenneth, Rescripting Walt Whitman: An Introduction To His Life and Work. Pierce, Jason A., 1992, Walt Whitman and the development of Leaves of Grass, http://library.sc.edu/spcoll/amlit/whitman.html The Life of Walt Whitman, http://www.poetseers.org/early-american-poets/walt-whitman/whitman-biography/ Walt Whitman, http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/wwhitman.htm How to cite Life of Walt Whitman, Essay examples

Case Study on the Death of Michael Booth for Canberra Construction

Question: Discuss about theCase Study on the Death of Michael Booth for Canberra Construction. Answer: Introduction According to Christian and Miriam (2016), the death of a North Korean who was working at a shipyard in Gdansk region was caused by lack of necessary equipment and unsafe practices. The employee was burnt around ninety-five (95) percent and he died instantly. The question raised focuses on the responsible authorities undertaking the required steps to find out what happened under such incidence. Besides, it is evident that the employers taken accountable, and are always the victims being compensated. The main aim of this case study essay on the death of a forty-eight-year-old man one Michael Booth is to help you understand how some of these cases are always handled. It is to show you what really transpired that lead to his death at a construction firm in Canberra. How the responsible authorities handled the matter, how they should have handled it and what should have been done to avoid such an incident. Relevant Literature Risk management is defined as the process of identification, prioritization, as well as assessment of risks. It also involves the coordination of economic application with the aim of minimizing, monitoring, and controlling the possibility and impact of risk occurrence. In a systematic study, Michael (2017) denotes that public awareness of possible risks and hazards in the working place helps in enhancing the essentiality of safety management and assessment in the current increasingly dangerous and litigious society. In other words, there is a need of evaluating risks and safety related issues experienced in the workplace by adopting strategies that are structured and calculated. Many people have died in the construction sites over the years, most parties being either employee of the construction firm or the suppliers. In most occasions, it has come out that most of this death is caused by the laxity of the employer to provide safety equipment required for the task, employer not provi ding a safe working environment according to the established standards or lack of adequate training by the employer. This paper evaluates safety issues in reference to Canberra Construction Company. The Actual Incident that Transpired and Actions Taken According to Lisa (2012), Mr. Michael Booth a forty-eight-year-old was working for a company that was supplying Canberra Construction firm known as Kenoss with construction equipment. On the twenty-third day of March 2012 as he drove into the construction site, his truck came into contact with an overhead electricity line that was hanging too low and he got electrocuted in the incident. He could not see it because the area was covered with trees and since it was a windy day, obviously the construction site was full of dust (Gordon, 2015). He was found lying by his truck where he was rushed to the hospital and unfortunately died five days later. According to Gordon (2015), his brother confirmed that he actually died due to the effect of the electrocution and after his death, they donated his lungs and kidney to the hospital to help those who needed such kind of transplant. They did this because Michael had requested it to be done whenever he would have died. According to Michael (2017), after the death of Michael Booth, there was an attempt by Kenoss to alter his attendance record for that day to avoid any investigation that would have been conducted but they did not manage to successfully do so. At the same time, the company was going into liquidation and was dealing with a lot in terms of clearing with creditors and other liquidation processes. Social networking sites have revolutionized that Mark McCabe an ACT SAFEWORK commissioner investigated the matter by visiting the site where the incident occurred, interviewed the employers and employees of Kenoss even though it was going on liquidation and found out that the company did not adhere to very many safety rules. While giving her ruling on the case, ACT SAFEWORK Chief Magistrate Mrs. Walker mentioned that the exact issue which caused the death was not carefully handled by the firm and that the risk was obvious. She went ahead and clarified that in their investigation they learned that the employees of the firm were informed not to use long equipment in the compound because of the low-hanging electricity wires but the visitors were not informed about the issue. When Mark McCabe went to do investigation he was not checked in, he was not informed about the safety rules within the site and was made aware of the hanging electricity wires, they only showed me what they wanted m e to see, said Mark (Yass Tribune, 2012). According to the evidence that was tabled in the ACT supreme court, the chief magistrate Walker found the prosecution team was able to prove beyond any reasonable doubt that the Construction firm Kenoss was guilty of breaching the work safety laws as charged (Charles, Stephen Michael, 2015). Mrs. Walker fined the company USD 1.1 million a sum which is said to be the largest of all time in the history of such cases. This was to act as a warning to companies who break the work safety laws (Clyde, 2017). The Manager was also arraigned in court but it was ruled that he had no case to answer as an individual. Walker found out that the prosecutor could not prove that he had responsibility for operations and that his role was to simply manage. What SAFEWORK Would Have Done Differently In the ruling, it is noticed that the SAFEWORK Chief executive officer Mrs. Walker does not give any recommendation on the sections of the law that she had noticed have hindered some of the decision to be made by the court. According to Burchil (2015), the manager was not found with any case to answer simply because the law does not place him in a position to be in charge of operation in the site. These comprise of safety, we have seen this giving him a way out, but he ought to be responsible since he was the one holding the highest rank in the site. The General Manager informed the court that he was not qualified for the position, but since he was related to the General Manager of the organization, it was given to him out of favor (Clyde, 2017). The Chief Executive Officer Mrs. Walker should have held the General Manager accountable through the Human Resource office for employing someone who is not qualified for such a sensitive position thereby leading to the death of a forty-eight-year-old man who obviously had mouths to feed and also a long life to live. Another issue, which could have been handled differently, is compensation. According to Lisa (2012), the court was doing sideway negotiations with the company to pay USD 300,000 to the family. I feel that Mrs. Walker being the Chief Executive Officer of ACT SAFEWORK should have included this in her ruling so that it becomes a mandatory issue for the firm and not to be treated as a mere gentleman agreement which was done in a coffee shop. To be more precise, three-quarters of the fine should have gone to the family. It could not have raised Michael from death but at least it could have reduced the tears of the family. Who does not the power of money? If this was not in the law then Mrs. Walker should have at least recommended it. The Setup of the Work Place According to Lisa (2012), the site was located exactly beside the road since the firm was constructing that road by that time. There was no sign warning where the electrical wires were hanging, no flag attached to the lines to show people their danger and the wires were hanging exactly where Michael was to offload. According to Gordon, (2015), the area was covered by trees and it was a windy day, the area was full of dust and seeing clearly was a problem. How the Safety Breach Would Have Been Avoided The Death of Michael Booth was caused out of the negligence of the company in following the safety rules of a workplace. One of the steps the Company should have taken is to communicate the safety policy to both employees and visitors so that they become aware of any danger they may get into when executing some of their duties within the company. According to McPhaul (2012), all organizations are required to have the safety rules, if employees are more than five, then the rules should on writing pined on a notice board or incorporated in the employees handbook. Another issue the Company should have considered is to do a risk assessment. Risk assessment is the process of determining any possible outcome that can happen to employees or visitor within the company during the daily operations (Kapp Han (2017). The employer should keep the findings of the assessment in a written form and clearly state the measures that have been put in place to minimize such accidents. If this would have been done, Michael could have been aware of the risk he might get himself in when off-loading his truck near the hanging electricity wires. To reduce this kind of safety breach the company should have dealt with any hazards promptly. According to Nikraz and Chen (2016), most accidents and death in organizations are mainly caused by preventable dangers and reducing such risk always requires straightforward action. The hanging electricity lines were a straightforward risk that required quick repair to avoid accident and death as witnessed in the case of the victim Michael Booth. How I Would Have Handled the Issue if I Worked at the Company. If I was the Manager of Kenoss Construction Company, I would have acted in a very different manner. According to Gordon, (2015), Michael was rushed to the hospital that was not close to the Company. The first thing I would have done is to make sure Michael got the first aid right at the site before being taken to the hospital, this would have reduced the electrocution effects. After the death of Michael, I would have advised the General Manager to compensate Michaels family rather than trying to delete his visiting records in the book. The electricity company would have been a part of the case since they are liable to check that all the power lines are maintained. Besides, the power lines should not be imposable to any threat to human life. Conclusion In all countries across the world, there are laws on matters of safety in a workplace. Employers are expected to live up to these laws and failure to which may lead to criminal prosecution in a magistrate court as was witnessed in this case of Michael Booth. Judges of the magistrate court should impose very stiff rules on matters regarding human safety at the workplace to avoid sad deaths like the one for Michael. I am impressed by the way in which the Chief Magistrate of ACT SAFEWORK Mrs. Walker handled the case and gave her ruling. Governments should hand over at least three-quarter of the fine to the bereaved family to help them with their financial needs especially when if the victim was the breadwinner. References Alfers, L., Xulu, P., Dobson, R. (2016). Promoting workplace health and safety in urban public space: reflections from Durban, South Africa. Environment Urbanization, 28(2),391-404. Charles, P. Stephen, T Michael, S. (2015). Work, health Safety. Holding Redclich, 123(8), 1-5. Stergiou-Kita, M., Mansfield, E., Colantonio, A., Moody, J., Mantis, S. (2016). What's gender got to do with it? Examining masculinities, health and safety and return to work in male dominated skilled trades. Work, 54(3), 721-733. Clyde, D. (2017). Construction company receives record NSW fine for electric shock. Lexology, 225(56), 1-4 Embracing Safety in the Workplace. (2016). Professional Safety, 61(8), 12. Christian, V. Miriam, W. (2016). How North Koreans Are Working Themselves to Death in Europe. Cash for Kim, 5(1), 3-6. Kapp, E. A., Han, A. A. (2017). Integrating Health With Safety: Now Is the Time. Professional Safety, 62(5), 44-49. Gordon, T. (2015)ABC News. Retrieved from https://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-08-19/construction-company-fined-1-million-over-workplace-death/6708032 Lisa, C. (2012). A Work Place Tragedy. The Canberra Time, 1(1), 1-6. McPhaul, K. (2012). Safety climate and workplace violence prevention in state-run residential addiction treatment centers. Work, 42(1), 47-56. Nikraz, H., Chen, Y. (2016). A study of influences of the workers' compensation and injury management regulations on aviation safety at a workplace. International Journal Of Injury Control Safety Promotion, 23(1), 99-104. Michael, S. (2017). Electrical safety. Health safety Handbook, 123(5) 3-8 Yass Tribune. (2012). Retrieved from https://www.yasstribune.com.au/story/215535/workplace-death-raises-questions/ Elizabeth, B. (2015) ABC News. Retrieved from https://www.abc.net.au/news/2015-06-23/kenoss-company-found-guilty-over-truck-drivers-electrocution/6568268 Burchill, C. (2015). Development of the Personal Workplace Safety Instrument for Emergency Nurses. Work, 51(1), 61-66

Strategic Business Plan Small Size Dog Boarding Business

Introduction The conceptualization of a successful small dog boarding business demands a broad strategic blue print. The strategic plan should internalize the aspects of business vision, mission, values, communication plan and a balanced scorecard. Thus, this reflective paper develops a strategic plan for the proposed small dog boarding business called Dog Nest Centre to compete with the local Wessier Dog Boarding business.Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Strategic Business Plan: Small Size Dog Boarding Business specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Dog Nest Centre’s Strategic Plan Vision and Mission For an organization to succeed in marketing, it has to have both vision and mission for its marketing. They act as the guideline and reference point. The business refers to the vision and goals to determine if it is making positive progress. The business’s vision will be to be the leading business in the dog boarding services to pet owners who have no dog handlers. On the other hand, the marketing goal will be to acquire ten clients per week for the first six months. Besides, the business will have a mission of adding value to the life of its target consumers by offering free pick services and delivery of dogs upon the return of its clients. Through its marketing, the business will strive to ensure that consumers continue benefiting from the dog boarding services at all time (Scarborough, 2012). Values of the Dog Nest Centre To be able to achieve the mission and the set goals, the proposed dog boarding business will require having a captivating position value statement and superior product strategy. In this case, the business’s positioning statement will be as follows; We have what everyone wants, and at considerable prices. The dog boarding services is unique and of high quality. They are supremely stylish, trendy and certainly the latest in the market. Those that subscribe to these services will have series of discounts and offers besides life membership. The prices are also considerable; one will get the friendliest and professional services for his or her dog at an affordable price. One of the product strategies that the business will utilize is to make sure that it attributes the dog boarding services to convenience and affordability. The business will charge dog boarding services at affordable prices as a strategy to attract consumers and not scare them away with high prices as at the local Wessier Dog Boarding business. The Sense and Business Ethics in the Dog Nest Business The majority of its competitors relies on local consumers. Therefore, they do not run promotional campaigns or advertise their products. Consequently, this business will have an advantage since it will create consumer awareness through its promotions and advertisements. Besides, the competitors charge high prices unlike this business that will form the pinnacle of affordable serv ices.Advertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More To surmount this competition, the business will use strategies like consumer education on how to get the best from the services by using it appropriately (Scarborough, 2012).  With a typical well organized commodity pool, this business is geared to quickly increase its market share since the beneficial interests can be distributed across the commodity users. This strategy will facilitate the restructuring effective sales and public awareness to develop product knowledge. If well merged with appropriate market mix, the strategy will secure a continuous quantitative increase of the market by constantly maintaining relatively fare prices of the services it is offering as well as the maintenance of up to per competition levels from other competitors. The Balance Scorecard for the Dog Nest Centre Business The balanced scorecard for this bus iness summarizes the internal processes, customer, financial, and strategies for growth as summarized in the table below. Elements Objective Measurement Target Internal Process Effectiveness of the strategies of the business in the market The price charged $40 per day for each dog The customer responses to services provided The time that elapses before customers respond Within one day of business encounter Customer The acquisition of customers The number of new customers An average of 25 customers per day Retention of customers The frequency of same customers Five out of each 15 new Accomplishment of pre-set goals and objectives Surpassing the revenue target Monitor quarterly Financial Initial funding The proportion of financing sources Debt to Equity financing ratio – 3:2, because debt financing is the best option. Revenue growth The percentage sales growth Growth rate – 5% Cash flow/profitability Percent of income from operations 10% Learnin g and growth Business self improvement Areas that require monitoring Internal inspection two times per day. External inspection one time per week. Skilled employees Number of staff with prior dog care experience Training complete within two weeks of hire date. Refresher training bi-monthly. Development of e-marketing The number of new online customer inquiries. 25 customers per day Social Responsibility and Entreprenuership Skills Knowing how to improve quality is crucial in the growth of a business. In fact, consumers normally go for products that preformed best. Besides, quality improvement will serve the organization’s needs to improve on performance, durability, maintain economic viability, maintain visual and aesthetic appeal, maintain superiority in service delivery, and keep good reputation due to quality assurance. Thus, quality improvement deployment and organizational change action plan present an action plan that would facilitate the business gain in long term operations is value and quality improvement (Scarborough, 2012).  The success puzzle for quality improvement and dog boarding business change implementation management strategy delivery operates on the periphery of the soft skills involving the timeless vision of organizational principles. Besides, defining value of the business, determining requirements, clarifying the vision, building teams, mitigating task, resolving issues, and providing direction complete the response projections which shall be addressed in the proposed quality service delivery system as opposed to the disorganized system of the Wessier Dog Boarders business. Furthermore, quality planning focuses on benchmarking of efficiency of the operations and service delivery initiative, accreditation initiative, and staff performance and skills assessment initiative which this business will endeavor to expound on (Scarborough, 2012).Advertising We will write a custom essay sample on Strategic Business Plan: Sm all Size Dog Boarding Business specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Business Ownership Being a very small business with a relatively low capital requirement, sole proprietorship will be the ideal form of business ownership for the Dog Nest business. The owner will have the enticement of keeping all the profit and making decision faster to suit the preferences of prospective clients. The Business Plan for the Dog Nest Centre Business Purpose The communication plan has the purpose of supporting the business’ strategic objectives within the code of operation of the dog boarding business. Basically, the communication plan is a conceptual map for external and internal decoding and encoding channels for pet owners targeted. Mission/Vision The mission of the communication plan is to expand to the marketing team the approaches that should be adopted in implementing the strategic plan informed of the rationale of authenticating the cost eff eteness element and ensure good response from the targeted pet owners. Situation Analysis Despite communication being rated as a high corporate strategy, action planning of communication method is of essence to create solution oriented task and strategy implementation secession. The main issues that will be addressed by the communication plan include customer acquisition, customer retention, quality services, and proactive response to different business situations. The head of marketing will lead the plan for the next six month period. Business Goals/ Objectives The goal is to transform the speed of the entire business structure and the business environment that affects every sphere of the internal communication issues in the business. This will ensure efficiency and professionalism in service delivery. Corresponding Communication Goals/Objectives In line with the vision of this business, the corresponding communication goal is sustainability and stability of the business through ef ficiency. Key Themes/ Messages Theme: Paradigm shift in service deliveryAdvertising Looking for essay on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Message: Elements of service methodology for sustainable business management. These elements are expected to align organization culture, employee behavior, business etiquette, and knowledge of business solutions. Media, Audiences, Schedules Face to face communication will be used to pass the information to the staff in a series of weekly meeting for the next six months. Training Managers to Communicate Communication through reports and schedules in different departments within a business can coordinate and integrate their functions. The business leader and his or her team will establish the use of formal communication methods such as responsiveness, negotiable, and reflective approach in decoding and encoding feedback. Evaluation The main success measurement parameters include full house attendance by the stakeholders, full participation of all the stakeholders in attendance, and acceptance of the proposal and complete endorsement of the strategic plan. Sources of financing the busi ness The internal financing options available for the business include personal sources such as retained profits and share capital. Basically, the retained profit is the funds generated by the initial business when it profitably trades (Shim Joel 2008). Considering the duration that the business has taken, the shared profits will substantially contribute to the funding for the Dog Nest business. Reflectively, retained profits is necessary is financing further expansion of the company since the business is likely to make profits within a few months upon conceptualization. Besides, the business has the option of acquiring funding from the share capital which has been the main source of funding for the previous years. Through share capital, the owner will be in a position to retain full control and ownership of the company, especially if he or she is the sole contributor (Cheverton, 2004). Positioning and Branding Strategies Through re-branding and good-better-best pricing strategy, t he market segment of the business is projected to increase their use of the dog boarding services as a result of improved quality and reliability of the services. Therefore, applying the costing strategy, the business will reduce the prices to a certain minimum in order to attract customers from this segment and achieve the aim of the quantity maximization by the increasing number of services sold at low prices. At the same, the strategy can help in revenue maximization that results from the large amount of service purchases made.  Since the target market is specific, the success variable for the market share expansion strategy will be measured through an increase in sales by an eighth of its current output. Sale records will be reviewed bimonthly and revised after every six months. In the first six months, the market share is projected to grow by a quarter of the one-eighth mark. Factoring the current inflation rate and other market dynamics, the same is then projected to follow the normal graph growth as advertisements are expected to sustain the market share expansion (Shapiro, 2005). Budget Sales projection and breakeven analysis The business targets to offer dog boarding services to 1000 dogs within six months. Since service charge per dog will be $50, the business targets to collect revenue of $50,000 within the six months of operation. This is summarized in the table below. Time allocation for the business From the above calculations, the business is likely to break even within six months. Reflectively, cost leadership strategy is vital in business management especially in an industry with stiff competition. Reflectively, the concept, as proposed by Porter, is a means of establishing a sustainable competitive advantage over other player in the industry. Conclusion This dog boarding business will adopt the cost leadership strategy to improve its efficiency through streamlining operations. As a result, this venture will develop a cumulative experience , optimal performance, quality assurance, and full control of its operation chain. References Cheverton, P. (2004). Key Marketing skills: strategies, tools, and techniques for marketing success. London: Kogan Page Scarborough, M. N. (2012). Effective Small Business Management: An Entrepreneurial Approach. New York: Pearson Education. Shapiro, A. (2005). Capital Budgeting and Investment Analysis. New Delhi: Pearson Education India. This essay on Strategic Business Plan: Small Size Dog Boarding Business was written and submitted by user Samuel Heath to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Sir Francis Drake essays

Sir Francis Drake essays Francis Drake was born sometime between 1540 and 1545 on a farm near Tavistock in Devon, a country in southwest England. Drake was born to his father Edmond who was a sailor and married woman of the Mylwaye whose first name was lost to history. Despite not knowing her name, we know that she had 12 children that survived through there infancy. Francis was the first born, or at least the first to survive. Francis was born during a time of a religious revolution. Led by the German monk Martin Luther, his new religious party the Protestant Reformation rebelled against the catholic churches. The churches back then were corrupted and granted penance for your sins at a price. Martin Luther saw this as wrong and placed flyers on the posting of their wrong doings and thus began the Protestant Reformation. Drake was a young man when his family was driven from their house in Devon when a mob a Catholics came and forced them out. After this incident he moved to Plymouth and married a woman there by the name of Mary Newman on July 4, 1569. With the blessing of Queen Elizabeth Francis Drake set out on his trip around the world in 1577, the journey that he is most remembered for. On his circumnavigation of the world Drake captured many of King Philips, cities and held them for ransom. During his occupation of these towns, he would have his crew dismember the town brick by brick and when he received the ransom he would burn the rest of the town down. His journey led him down south of Africa, and then to the north of Australia. From there, he traveled north up to the area of present-day Alaska, and then followed the coast down south of South America, and came back up across the Atlantic Ocean to England. After a 3-year voyage Francis Drake returned to England with a large sum of riches. Queen Elizabeth allowed Drake and his crew to each take 10,000. Surprisingly though, this wasnt even a min ...

Marketing of product Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Marketing of product - Essay Example Broadly speaking, situational factors are any of a host of factors that can steer consumer sentiment in any given direction.   As stated, these can be any number of factors; however, lifestyle, culture, and economic considerations make up some of the most important of these.   With respect to the question at hand, one need only consider a cultural situation in which drinking energy drinks high in sugar, caffeine and other highly processed and/or unnatural ingredients is something that is traditionally deemed unhealthy and/or frowned upon.   Such is the case in many Nordic countries where soft drink marketing has faced an uphill battle to gain market share due to a great deal of prior cultural bias with reference to such highly unnatural drinks.  Similarly, with respect to the market for tires, one can of course quickly consider that the economic consideration would factor heavily into the way in which the consumer dealt with the issue of choice.   Due to the fact that the c onsumer approaches the market for tires in a distinctly different way than he/she might approach the market for an energy drink, the utility of price differential becomes a key concern as to the consumer a set of tires is a set of tires.   As long as they are more or less comparable, this situational factor is satisfied.   To each of these two examples any one of the situational factors that have been listed, as well as a great litany of others might apply; however, for the purposes of clarity, only the two which have been listed have been expounded upon.

Final Assignment Autism Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Final Assignment Autism - Research Paper Example The knowledge of sources is secondary, because whether autism has genetic, environmental, parental or other causes is less important than the condition; but it is important for instructors to know that autism seems to be such a fundamental learning and mental condition that it is not simply a matter of changing a child's attitude or getting them to open up a little. It is vital that, at the least, instructors understand the painful sensory barrage that autistics are often going through. Different types of autism mean different results. For example: Asperger and Rett are totally different in terms of how they present, their prognosis, appropriate diagnostic tools, and appropriate treatment. Asperger's sufferers have an obsessive interest in individual topics: This makes it very hard to treat them, but also gives a lasso-point to grab onto and pull, a way into their world by understanding what they obsess over. Meanwhile, Rett syndrome occurs suddenly after apparently normal developmen t. Diagnosis and treatment are the most important. In the case of Jack, past diagnosis helped shed light on the present, but we found that, looking at the speech pathologists' report, it may have been time to ramp up his speech therapy. Diagnostic tools over time are particularly helpful, as they start to tell people what can possibly be treated (indicated by large improvements), what is going to be a pernicious and slow-going problem (indicated by small or incremental improvements), and what is simply going to be a losing battle. With Jack, some areas had clearly improved, some areas had only slightly changed, and some areas stayed pretty consistent over time. There is a myth that every autistic is Rain Man, that all have some kind of amazing gift to trade off but are socially impossible. In fact, both parts of this image is inaccurate. Many autistics can improve to the point where they seem very much normal to people, have deep and enduring friendships, and can direct their obsess ive behaviors towards something productive. Many are also totally normal or even below average in various areas of functioning: Not every one is an autistic savant; in fact, autistic savants are quite rare! It is important that people working with autistics at all levels know that not every one of them is a genius ready to be harnessed, but rather a normal child seeking and yearning to have a less painful and more satisfying life. Whatever talents a child has, they are best served by educators and therapists directing them towards healthy social interaction rather than coddling or playing to their

To what extent was John Maynard Keynes' principal contribution to Essay

To what extent was John Maynard Keynes' principal contribution to political economy a re-conceptualisation of optimal relation - Essay Example This is often the case between Keynesian economists and other reformists’ theories. Keynesianism or Keynesian economics is an economic theory based on the ideas John Maynard Keynes, as put forward in his book The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, available in 1936 as an answer to the Great Depression of the 1930s. Keynesianism advocates for a mixed economy, in which the state as well as the market or the private sector have both significant functions to operate. It should be noted that the advent and eventual rise of Keynesianism saw the collapse of laissez-faire economics which was of the view that both the state and the market could function, each on its own. Keynesianism also emphasizes of the significance of aggregate demand for goods as the lashing factor of the economy, particularly in periods of recession. For this reason, government plans or policies could be made use of to promote demand at a macro level, to counter high unemployment as well as deflati on. A significant conclusion of Keynesianism is that there is not a tough and automatic propensity for output and employment to move to full employment levels. Effective demand is therefore the fundamental idea underlying Keynesianism. Post Keynesian Criticisms After Keynes, a good amount of concentration has been dedicated to the problem of probability and uncertainty in Keynes’s General Theory by a set of economists frequently called ‘Post-Keynesians’. Over the years, there have risen a lot of economic theories and propositions which no longer see Keynesianism as a spur. As Chick and Tily (2004) mentions in mainstream economics, Keynes is dead1. Leijonhufvud (2008)2 gives explanations on the hypothetical blindness of the economic profession vis a vis interpretations from Keynesianism of the present financial crisis to conventional reliance on market efficiency theory, expectations based on reason as well as the representative agents3. Wray and Teymogne (2008) m ake us reminiscent of the fact that â€Å"the efficient market hypothesis, like all approaches derived from the old neoclassical theory, relegates money and finance to the sidelines.4† A latest volume, cataloguing the commentary of twelve prominent economists on Keynes’s Economic possibilities for our Grandchildren5, offers an outstanding incident to assess the space between conventional Keynesian views of capitalism with ‘love of money’. Keynes’s disapproval for the money drive and the demanding â€Å"purposeful money-makers (who) may carry all of us along with them into the lap of economic abundance† is dismissed as the befuddled and elitist phrase of moralistic narrow-mindedness and an ideal case in point of an irrational approach to economics. For example, Boldrin and Levine (2009) challenge Keynes for not being clear between real and monetary factors6. On his part, Phelps (2009) considers Keynes condescending approach towards the pursuit for wealth as unusual for an economist7, representative of anti-materialism as well as obscure to every scholastic satisfaction in business. Ohanian (2009) illustrates Keynes’ approach as that of a judgmental and critical social commentator who uses his economist’s pulpit to make a rather puritan-based vision of the future8. Fitoussi (2009) acknowledges that Keynes’ negative response to capitalism, with its acquisitiveness and inconsiderate conduct, is not so badly founded9. He however goes on to coin Keynes’

The Shabbat To The Jewish People

The Shabbat To The Jewish People For thousands of years, millions of Jews/Hebrews around the world live according to the Jewish Law. Jewish and some non-Jews believe G-d created the world in six days and G-d took the seventh day to rest and reflect on his creation (Exodus 20:11). What is the importance of the Shabbat to the Jewish people, what are some of the symbolic items used during the Holy Day which starts at sundown the night before? The symbolic of the word Shabbat was given to this day because the root of the word Shin-Beit-Tav, meaning to come to an end or to rest. Shabbat is the only day mentioned in the commandments therefore it is the most important of all the holy days (jewfaq.com). While the word shamor, means to observe however the word observe has a different cogitations to the Orthodox Jews, then to the Reformed Jews or Conservative Jews. Generally there are variations amongst the different Jewish communities but for the most part the traditional Jewish lethargy is the same. The Orthodox Jews are the more restrictive and will walk two to and from their place of worship while reformed Jews are likely to drive. It is also customary Orthodox men and women to sit separately to allow for the focus on prayer, while in the Conservative and Reformed synagogues the focus is on family, which prays together. My wife and I while traveling to Athens, Greece on our honeymoon attended Friday Evening Sabbath services at Beth Shalom Synagogue. The Temple was constructed in 1930 and is extremely Orthodox. We had no prior knowledge but the usher whom spoke no English, pointed upstairs to my wife and the main floor for me. Like the Hebrews in ancient times, many religions of the Verdic period and the Roman Catholic faiths only Men are Priests. Perhaps traditions and rituals of the past have symbolic meaning but have not changed all that much? The Conservative and Reformed Jewish movement has already crossed this bridge and my research paper will be written from a conservative to reform traditional Jewish approach. My Wife, Kids and I frequent Temple Beth Elle in Boca Raton where my relatives are members. Its not unheard of to see more than one Rabbi in a synagogue but is unheard of to see a template with three full time Rabbis two of which are women. In addition they have a female cantor soloist that makes for a beautiful service. The second candle is lit the welcoming of the Sabbath begins. The welcoming is also known as the Kabbalat Shabbat and is the first of two very short services. Several Psalms are recited such as the Lchah dodi, which is the greeting of the Sabbath Bride. The Psalm is beautiful both in lethargy and the Hebrew melody. My beloved, come to greet the bride; let us receive the Sabbath. The Pslams translation is as follows The only God caused us to hear keep and remember in one utterance; the Eternal is One and Gods name is One, for honor and glory and praise. Come, let us go to greet the Sabbath, which is the source of blessing. From its opening it is pouring as from the beginning; the end of Creation from the beginning of thought. Wake up! Wake up! For your light has come! Rise up my light! Awake! Awake! Sing! The Eternals glory is revealed to you! Enter in peace, O Crown of Your husband; enter in joy and exultation. Come, O Bride! Come, O Bride! To the faithful people of the treasured nat ion. The last prayer, the mourners Kaddish, which is referred to as saying Kaddish and is for those that, have recently lost a loved one(s). The mourners Kaddish does not refer to death at all. The Kaddish is a prayer to praise of G-d in Gods name. The prayers main idea goes back to ancient times and is reflected a similar lethargy of the Christians Lords Prayer (http://www.britannica.com/). The Barchu prayer, meaning to Praise God, the Exalted One starts the Evening Shabbat Services. Two short prayers are recited before the most important prayer the Shema, which means Hear, Israel, the Lord is our G-d, the Lord is One. The Shema affirms G-ds unity and is often said several times throughout the day but most notability when you wake and before bed. The second paragraph of he Shema is also recited followed by three short prayers, then comes the Amidah, a series of 7 blessings which talks about the Avot The Ancestors, Gevurot The Devine Power, Kedushah G-ds holiness, again the blessing of the Shabbat, Avodah The Sacrificial worship, Hodaah The Thanksgiving and Shalom The prayer for peace. Several more prayers complete the evening service including the silent prayer, which is usually last for a few minutes to give everyone a time for a personal prayer. The Mourners Kaddish said a second time followed by one of two medieval poems Adon Olam, meaning, Before creation shaped the world, God, eternal, reigned alone or my personal favorite, Yigdal meaning, Revere the living G-d. The poem has always had a great tune and I have always felt something spiritual to the Yigdal prayer. While reading the comments written by R. Eliesers I have learned the Yigdal poem is a poetic variation of Maimonides thirteen principles of faith (myjewishlearning.com). Meaning summarizes the required beliefs of Judaism. It is also the name of a hospital in Brooklyn where my Grandmother had passed on. Now I understand why I felt so connected to the Yigdal and what a great way to end the service reaffirming my beliefs. The festive meal awaits, the Kiddish, which is an overflowing glass of wine or grape juice is said. The overflowing reminds us of the fullness of joy that we have in the Shabbat. We proceed to wash our hands with a short prayer and finally the blessing of the Challah, called the Ha-Motzi or just the Motzi for short. Symbolically, two Chalot are used for the reason during the time in Egypt on Fridays a double portion of Manna fell from the heavens. The prayer is as follows: Blessed are You, Lord, our God, King of the Universe who brings forth bread from the earth. (Amen). Many years ago my wife and I befriended an Israeli couple and adopted the dipping of the Challah into sea salt. Not understanding why, we looked it looked it up and found sea salt never spoils or decays, therefore, it is symbolic of our eternal covenant with G-d (http://www.askmoses.com.) Finally, the festive meal begins filled with an evening of singing, laughing, rejoicing with family before repairing to bed. Around 9:00am Saturday morning Jews begin to congregate to synagogue also called Shul. The adult men are required to place a Yamaka and a Tallit which both sanctifies a personal space between you and g-d. The Shacharit service begins; the Torah is taken from the Ark and a series of selections are read which are based on the past weeks teaching. The Torah is written with no vowels and is difficult to read even by most skilled Torah readers. It is so important two proof readers called biguys follow along carefully to ensure its accuracy. The Hoftorah is recited, which many Jews like I ask why the Hoftorah is read when its reading are linked to the same torah portion. My understanding is during a period of time Jews were forbidden from reading the Torah and the Hoftorah was a substitute. The Hoftorah reading had continued although the Torah was once again allowed to be read. The Ashrei prayer is repeated and the Torah scroll is returned to the Ark again in a care but accurate procession. Usually, the Rabbi will offer a weekly spiritual sermon, something that is related to the weekly Torah portion. The liturgy in the Musaf service has been changed, identifying the State of Israel as the Jewish homeland, but recognizing the Temple only as historical and not as a structure that will one day be restored (Wikipedia find other source). The Musaf service also includes the Amidah and it follows the same service read Friday evening. The Mincha begins; the second Torah is removed from the Ark using the same procession as the first. The first portion of the upcoming weeks Torah is read and the Torah is returned to the Ark. By the time birkat ha-mazon is done, it is about 2PM. The family studies Torah for a while, talks, takes an afternoon walk, plays some checkers, or engages in other leisure activities. A short afternoon nap is not uncommon. It is traditional to have a third meal before Shabbat is over. This is usually a light meal in the late afternoon. Shabbat ends at nightfall, when three stars are visible, approximately 40 minutes after sunset. At the conclusion of Shabbat, the family performs a concluding ritual called Havdalah separation, division). Blessings are recited over wine, spices and candles. Then a blessing is recited regarding the division between the sacred and the secular, between Shabbat and the working days. As you can see, Shabbat is a very full day when it is properly observed, and very relaxing. You really dont miss being unable to turn on the TV, drive a car or go shopping. Cersus the Christian point of view as a day of prayer much different then that of the Jewish faith. While the following day for morning services. For everyone Simcha, I assure you the oldest grandparent will also do the Mostzi regardless of how shaky their hand is. What does Shabbat mean to me and why is it after all these years I dont consider the things I do on Saturday as working My Grandmother Ida, may she be rested and Im sure she would be very proud to know that we continue to use her candle stick holders each Friday night as she did for some seventy plus years Do not get me wrong here there are variations amongst the different Jewish communities but for the most part the traditional Jewish liturgy are the same and are sung or chanted with traditional melodies.

The Second Vatican Council Essay -- essays research papers

The Second Vatican Council The Second Vatican Council, or Vatican II as it is often called, was an Ecumenical Council, (which means it affected the worldwide Christian community) of the Roman Catholic Church. It began on October 11, 1962 under, Pope John XXIII with over two thousand attendants (Hollis 23). The council ended on December 8, 1965, with Pope Paul VI presiding over the council due to the death of Pope John XXIII in 1963. The council consisted of four different sessions convening in the fall of the four years during which the council took place. Topics discussed and debated throughout the council were issues concerning the church, the liturgy, revelation and scripture, and the clergy.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The general sessions of the council would begin in late September or early October, and end in late November or early December. Special committees met during the remainder of the year to examine and assemble the previous work, and make preparations for the following session. The first session began on October 11, 1962 and ended on December 8, 1962 (Hollis 35). Issues that were deliberated on during this session were liturgy, revelation, the Eastern churches, and communication. After the first session successfully came to a close, planning for the next session came to a standstill when Pope John XXIII died on June 3, 1963 (Hollis 36). After the new pope, Pope Paul XI, was elected, he quickly declared that the council would continue. The second session began on Septemb...

Ulrich Beck

Sociology http://soc. sagepub. com Beck's Sociology of Risk: A Critical Assessment Anthony Elliott Sociology 2002; 36; 293 DOI: 10. 1177/0038038502036002004 The online version of this article can be found at: http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/content/abstract/36/2/293 Published by: http://www. sagepublications. com On behalf of: British Sociological Association Additional services and information for Sociology can be found at: Email Alerts: http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://soc. sagepub. com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www. agepub. com/journalsReprints. nav Permissions: http://www. sagepub. com/journalsPermissions. nav Citations (this article cites 6 articles hosted on the SAGE Journals Online and HighWire Press platforms): http://soc. sagepub. com/cgi/content/refs/36/2/293 Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 293 Risk Society Sociology Copyright  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd ®Volume 36(2): 293–315 [0038-0385(200205)36:2;293–315;022761] SAGE Publications London,Thousand Oaks, New Delhi Beck’s Sociology of Risk: A Critical Assessment s Anthony Elliott University of the West of England AB ST RAC T The German sociologist Ulrich Beck has elaborated a highly original formulation of the theory of risk and re? exive modernization, a formulation that has had a signi? cant impact upon recent sociological theorizing and research. This article examines Beck’s sociology of risk in the context of his broader social theory of re? xivity, advanced modernization and individualization. The article argues that Beck’s work is constrained by several sociological weaknesses: namely, a dependence upon objectivistic and instrumental models of the social construction of risk and uncertainty in social relations, and a failure to adequately de? ne the relations between institutional dynamism on the one hand and self-referentiality and critical re? ection on the other. As a contribution to the reformulation and further development of Beck’s approach to sociological theory, the article seeks to uggest other ways in which the link between risk and re? exivity might be pursued. These include a focus upon (1) the intermixing of re? exivity and re? ection in social relations; (2) contemporary ideologies of domination and power; and (3) a dialectical notion of modernity and postmodernization. K E Y WORDS domination / modernity / postmodernity / re? exivity / risk / social theory A s competent re? ective agents, we are aware of the many ways in which a generalized ‘climate of risk’ presses in on our daily activities.In our dayto-day lives, we are sensitive to the cluster of risks that affect our relations with the self, with others, and with the broader culture. We are specialists in carving out ways of coping and managing risk, whether this be through active engagement, resigned acceptance or confused denial. From dietary concerns to 293 Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 294 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 294 Number 2 sMay 2002 prospective stock market gains and losses to polluted air, the contemporary risk climate is one of proliferation, multiplication, specialism, counterfactual guesswork, and, above all, anxiety. Adequate consideration and calculation of risktaking, risk-management and risk-detection can never be fully complete, however, since there are always unforeseen and unintended aspects of risk environments. This is especially true at the level of global hazards, where the array of industrial, technological, chemical and nuclear dangers that confront us grows, and at an alarming rate.Indeed the Germa n sociologist, Ulrich Beck (1996a), de? nes the current situation as that of ‘world risk society’. The rise of risk society, Beck argues, is bound up with the new electronic global economy – a world in which we live on the edge of high technological innovation and scienti? c development, but where no one fully understands the possible global risks and dangers we face. My aim in this article is to explore some of the issues that concern the relation between risk and society by focusing on the work of Beck.A profoundly innovative and imaginative social theorist, Beck has developed powerful analyses of the ways in which the rise of the risk society is transforming social reproduction, nature and ecology, intimate relationships, politics and democracy. 1 It is necessary to state at the outset that I am not seeking in this article to provide a general introduction to Beck’s work as a whole. Rather, I shall offer a short exposition of Beck’s risk society thesis, in conjunction with his analysis of re? exivity and its role in social practices and modern institutions. The econd, more extensive half of the article is then critical and reconstructive in character. I try to identify several questionable social-theoretic assumptions contained in Beck’s risk society thesis, as well as limitations concerning his analysis of re? exivity, social reproduction and the dynamics of modernity. In making this critique, I shall try to point, in a limited and provisional manner, to some of the ways in which I believe that the themes of risk and social re? exivity can be reformulated and, in turn, further developed in contemporary sociological analysis.Outline of the Theory Let me begin by outlining the central planks of Beck’s social theory. These can be divided into three major themes: (1) the risk society thesis; (2) re? exive modernization; and (3) individualization. The Risk Society Thesis From his highly in? uential 1986 volume Ris k Society through to Democracy without Enemies (1998) and World Risk Society (1999b), Beck has consistently argued that the notion of risk is becoming increasingly central to our global society. 2 As Beck (1991: 22–3) writes: Downloaded from http://soc. agepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 295 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott [T]he historically unprecedented possibility, brought about by our own decisions, of the destruction of all life on this planet †¦ distinguishes our epoch not only from the early phase of the Industrial Revolution but also from all other cultures and social forms, no matter how diverse and contradictory.If a ? re breaks out, the ? re brigade comes; if a traf? c accident occurs, the insurance pays. This interplay between before and after, between security in the here-and-now and security i n the future because one took precautions even for the worst imaginable case, has been revoked in the age of nuclear, chemical and genetic technology. In their brilliant perfection, nuclear power plants have suspended the principle of insurance not only in the economic but also in the medical, psychological, cultural, and religious sense.The ‘residual risk society’ is an uninsured society, in which protection, paradoxically, decreases as the threat increases. For Beck, modernity is a world that introduces global risk parameters that previous generations have not had to face. Precisely because of the failure of modern social institutions to control the risks they have created, such as the ecological crisis, risk rebounds as a largely defensive attempt to avoid new problems and dangers. Beck contends that it is necessary to separate the notion of risk from hazard or danger.The hazards of pre-industrial society – famines, plagues, natural disasters – may or m ay not come close to the destructive potential of technoscience in the contemporary era. Yet for Beck this really is not a key consideration in any event, since he does not wish to suggest that daily life in today’s risk society is intrinsically more hazardous than in the pre-modern world. What he does suggest, however, is that no notion of risk is to be found in traditional culture: pre-industrial hazards or dangers, no matter how potentially catastrophic, were experienced as pre-given.They came from some ‘other’ – gods, nature or demons. With the beginning of societal attempts to control, and particularly with the idea of steering towards a future of predictable security, the consequences of risk become a political issue. This last point is crucial. It is societal intervention – in the form of decision-making – that transforms incalculable hazards into calculable risks. ‘Risks’, writes Beck (1997: 30), ‘always depend on d ecisions – that is, they presuppose decisions’.The idea of ‘risk society’ is thus bound up with the development of instrumental rational control, which the process of modernization promotes in all spheres of life – from individual risk of accidents and illnesses to export risks and risks of war. In support of the contention that protection from danger decreases as the threat increases in the contemporary era, Beck (1994) discusses, among many other examples, the case of a lead crystal factory in the former Federal Republic of Germany. The factory in question – Altenstadt in the Upper Palatinate – was prosecuted in the 1980s for polluting the atmosphere.Many residents in the area had, for some considerable time, suffered from skin rashes, nausea and headaches, and blame was squarely attributed to the white dust emitted from the factory’s smokestacks. Due to the visibility of the pollution, the case for damages against the factory was imagined, by many people, to be watertight. Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 295 022761 Elliott 296 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 296Number 2 s May 2002 However, because there were three other glass factories in the area, the presiding judge offered to drop the charges in return for a nominal ? ne, on the grounds that individual liability for emitting dangerous pollutants and toxins could not be established. ‘Welcome to the real-life travesty of the hazard technocracy! ’ writes Beck, underlining the denial of risks within our cultural and political structures. Such denial for Beck is deeply layered within institutions, and he calls this ‘organized irresponsibility’ – a concept to which we will return.The age of nuclear, chemical and genetic technology, according to Beck, unleashes a destruction of the calculus of risks by which modern societies have developed a consensus on progress. Insurance has been the key to sustaining this consensus, functioning as a kind of security pact against industrially produced dangers and hazards. 3 In particular, two kinds of insurance are associated with modernization: the private insurance company and public insurance, linked above all with the welfare state.Yet the changing nature of risk in an age of globalization, argues Beck, fractures the calculating of risks for purposes of insurance. Individually and collectively, we do not fully know or understand many of the risks that we currently face, let alone can we attempt to calculate them accurately in terms of probability, compensation and accountability. In this connection, Beck emphasizes the following: s s s s risks today threaten irreparable global damage which cannot be limited, and hus the notion of monetary compensation is rendered obsolescent; in the case of the wors t possible nuclear or chemical accident, any security monitoring of damages fails; accidents, now reconstituted as ‘events’ without beginning or end, break apart delimitations in space and time; notions of accountability collapse. Re? exive Modernization Beck develops his critique of modernity through an examination of the presuppositions of the sociology of modernization. Many mainstream sociological theories remain marked, in his view, by a confusion of modernity with industrial society – seen in either positive or negative terms.This is true for functionalists and Marxists alike, especially in terms of their preoccupation with industrial achievement, adaptation, differentiation and rationalization. Indeed, Beck ? nds an ideology of progress concealed within dominant social theories that equate modernization with linear rationalization. From Marx through Parsons to Luhmann, modern society is constantly changing, expanding and transforming itself; it is clear th at industrialism results in the using up of resources that are essential to the reproduction of society.But the most striking limitation of social theories that equate modernity with industrial society, according to Beck, lies in their lack of comprehension of the manner in which dangers to societal preservation and renewal in? ltrate the institutions, organizations and subsystems of modern society itself. Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 :49 am Page 297 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott In contrast to this grand consensus on modernization, Beck argues that we are between industrial society and advanced modernity, between simple modernization and re? exive modernization. As Beck (1996b: 28) develops these distinctions: In view of these two stages and their sequence, the concept of ‘re? exive moder nization’ may be introduced. This precisely does not mean re? ection (as the adjective ‘re? exive’ seems to suggest), but above all self-confrontation.The transition from the industrial to the risk epoch of modernity occurs unintentionally, unseen, compulsively, in the course of a dynamic of modernization which has made itself autonomous, on the pattern of latent side-effects. One can almost say that the constellations of risk society are created because the self-evident truths of industrial society (the consensus on progress, the abstraction from ecological consequences and hazards) dominate the thinking and behaviour of human beings and institutions. Risk society is not an option which could be chosen or rejected in the course of political debate.It arises through the automatic operation of autonomous modernization processes which are blind and deaf to consequences and dangers. In total, and latently, these produce hazards which call into question – inde ed abolish – the basis of industrial society. It is the autonomous, compulsive dynamic of advanced or re? exive modernization that, according to Beck, propels modern men and women into ‘self-confrontation’ with the consequences of risk that cannot adequately be addressed, measured, controlled or overcome, at least according to the standards of industrial society.Modernity’s blindness to the risks and dangers produced by modernization – all of which happens automatically and unre? ectingly, according to Beck – leads to societal self-confrontation: that is, the questioning of divisions between centres of political activity and the decision-making capacity of society itself. Society, in effect, seeks to reclaim ‘the political’ from its modernist relegation to the institutional sphere, and this, says Beck, is achieved primarily through sub-political means – that is, locating the politics of risk at the heart of forms of social and cultural life. Within the horizon of the opposition between old routine and new awareness of consequences and dangers’, writes Beck, ‘society becomes self-critical’ (1999b: 81). The prospects for arresting the dark sides of industrial progress and advanced modernization through re? exivity are routinely short-circuited, according to Beck, by the insidious in? uence of ‘organized irresponsibility’. Irresponsibility, as Beck uses the term, refers to a political contradiction of the self-jeopardization and self-endangerment of risk society.This is a contradiction between an emerging public awareness of risks produced by and within the social-institutional system on the one hand, and the lack of attribution of systemic risks to this system on the other. There is, in Beck’s reckoning, a constant denial of the suicidal tendency of risk society – ‘the system of organized irresponsibility’ – which manifests itself in, s ay, technically orientated legal procedures designed to satisfy rigorous causal proof of individual liability and guilt. This self-created dead end, in which culpability is passed off on to individualsDownloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 297 022761 Elliott 298 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 298 Number 2 s May 2002 and thus collectively denied, is maintained through political ideologies of industrial fatalism: faith in progress, dependence on rationality and the rule of expert opinion. Individualization The arrival of advanced modernization is not wholly about risk; it is also about an expansion of choice.For if risks are an attempt to make the incalculable calculable, then risk-monitoring presupposes agency, choice, calculation and responsibility. In the process of re? exive modernization, Beck argues, more and more areas o f life are released or disembedded from the hold of tradition. That is to say, people living in the modernized societies of today develop an increasing engagement with both the intimate and more public aspects of their lives, aspects that were previously governed by tradition or taken-forgranted norms.This set of developments is what Beck calls ‘individualization’, and its operation is governed by a dialectic of disintegration and reinvention. For example, the disappearance of tradition and the disintegration of previously existing social forms – ? xed gender roles, in? exible class locations, masculinist work models – forces people into making decisions about their own lives and future courses of action.As traditional ways of doing things become problematic, people must choose paths for a more rewarding life – all of which requires planning and rationalization, deliberation and engagement. An active engagement with the self, with the body, with rel ationships and marriage, with gender norms, and with work: this is the subjective backdrop of the risk society. The idea of individualization is the basis upon which Beck constructs his vision of a ‘new modernity’, of novel personal experimentation and cultural innovation against a social backdrop of risks, dangers, hazards, re? xivity, globalization. Yet the unleashing of experimentation and choice which individualization brings is certainly not without its problems. According to Beck, there are progressive and regressive elements to individualization; although, in analytical terms, these are extremely hard to disentangle. In personal terms, the gains of today’s individualization might be tomorrow’s limitation, as advantage and progress turn into their opposite. A signal example of this is offered in The Normal Chaos of Love (1995), where Beck and Beck-Gernsheim re? ct on the role of technological innovation in medicine, and of how this impacts upon conte mporary family life. Technological advancements in diagnostic and genetic testing on the unborn, they argue, create new parental possibilities, primarily in the realm of health monitoring. However, the very capacity for medical intervention is one that quickly turns into an obligation on parents to use such technologies in order to secure a sound genetic starting point for their offspring.Individualization is seen here as a paradoxical compulsion, at once leading people into a much more engaged relationship with science and technology than used to be the case, and enforcing a set of obligations and responsibilities that few in society have thought through in terms of broad Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:49 am Page 299 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott moral and ethical implications.It is perhaps lit tle wonder therefore that Beck (1997: 96), echoing Sartre, contends that ‘people are condemned to individualization’. Critique Beck has elaborated a highly original formulation of the theory of risk, a formulation which links with, but in many ways is more sophisticated in its detail and application than, other sociological approaches to the analysis of risk environments in contemporary society (among other contributions, see Douglas and Wildavsky (1982), Castell (1991), Giddens (1990, 1991), Luhmann (1993) and Adam (1998)).Beck’s sociology of risk has clearly been of increasing interest to sociologists concerned with understanding the complex temporal and spatial ? gurations of invisible hazards and dangers including global warming, chemical and petrochemical pollution, the effects of genetically modi? ed organisms and culturally induced diseases such as Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) (see Lash et al. , 1996; Adam, 1998). In what follows, there are three core areas around which I shall develop a critique of the work of Beck: (1) risk, re? xivity, re? ection; (2) power and domination; and (3) tradition, modernity and postmodernization. Risk, Re? exivity, Re? ection Let me begin with Beck’s discussion of the ‘risk society’, which, according to him, currently dominates socio-political frames thanks to the twin forces of re? exivity and globalization. There are, I believe, many respects in which Beck’s vision of Risikogesellschaft, especially its rebounding in personal experience as risk-laden discourses and practices, is to be welcomed.In the wake of the Chernobyl disaster and widespread environmental pollution, and with ever more destructive weapons as well as human-made biological, chemical and technological hazards, it is surely the case that thinking in terms of risk has become central to the way in which human agents and modern institutions organize the social world. Indeed, in a world that could litera lly destroy itself, risk-managing and risk-monitoring increasingly in? uences both the constitution and calculation of social action.As mentioned previously, it is this focus on the concrete, objective physical-biological-technical risk settings of modernity which recommends Beck’s analysis as a useful corrective to the often obsessive abstraction and textual deconstruction that characterizes much recent social theory. However, one still might wonder whether Beck’s theory does not overemphasize, in a certain sense, the phenomena and relevance of risk. From a social-historical perspective it is plausible to ask, for instance, whether life in society has become more risky? In ‘From Regulation to Risk’, Bryan S. Turner (1994: 180–1) captures the problem well:Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 299 022761 E lliott 300 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:49 am Volume 36 s Page 300 Number 2 s May 2002 [A] serious criticism of Beck’s arguments would be to suggest that risk has not changed so profoundly and signi? cantly over the last three centuries. For example, were the epidemics of syphilis and bubonic plague in earlier periods any different from the modern environment illnesses to which Beck draws our attention?That is, do Beck’s criteria of risk, such as their impersonal and unobservable nature, really stand up to historical scrutiny? The devastating plagues of earlier centuries were certainly global, democratic and general. Peasants and aristocrats died equally horrible deaths. In addition, with the spread of capitalist colonialism, it is clearly the case that in previous centuries many aboriginal peoples such as those of North America and Australia were engulfed by environmental, medical and political catastrophes which wiped out entire populations.If we take a broader view of the notion of risk as entailing at least a strong cultural element whereby risk is seen to be a necessary part of the human condition, then we could argue that the profound uncertainties about life, which occasionally overwhelmed earlier civilizations, were not unlike the anxieties of our own ? n-de-siecle civilizations. Extending Turner’s critique, it might also be asked whether risk assessment is the ultimate worry in the plight of individuals in contemporary culture?Is it right to see the means-ended rationality of risk, and thus the economistic language of preference, assessment and choice, as spreading into personal and intimate spheres of life (such as marriage, friendship and child-rearing) in such a determinate and uni? ed way? And does the concept of risk actually capture what is new and different in the contemporary social condition? I shall not pursue these general questions, important though they are, here. Instead, the issue I want to raise concerns the multiple ways in which risk is perceived, approached, engaged with or disengaged from, in contemporary culture.Beck’s approach, however suggestive it may be, is at best a signpost which points to speci? c kinds of probabilities, avoidances and unanticipated consequences, but which is limited in its grasp of the social structuring of the perception of risk. The American social theorist Jeffrey C. Alexander (1996: 135) has argued that Beck’s ‘unproblematic understanding of the perception of risk is utilitarian and objectivist’. Alexander takes Beck to task for adopting a rationalistic and instrumental-calculative model of risk in microsocial and macrosocial worlds; to which it can be added that such a model has deep af? ities with neo-classical economics and rational-choice theory, and thus necessarily shares the conceptual and political limitations of these standpoints also. Beck has also been criticized by others for his cognitive realism, moral proceduralism and lack of attention to aesthetic and hermeneutical subjectivity (Lash and Urry, 1994); failure to acknowledge the embodied nature of the self (Turner, 1994; Petersen, 1996); and neglect of the psychodynamic and affective dimensions of subjectivity and intersubjective relations (Elliott, 1996; Hollway and Jefferson, 1997).In a social-theoretical frame of reference, what these criticisms imply is that Beck’s theory cannot grasp the hermeneutical, aesthetic, psychological and culturally bounded forms of subjectivity and intersubjectivity in and through Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 301 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott which risk is constructed and perceived.To study risk-management and riskavoidance strategies, in the light of these criticisms, requires attention to forms of meaning-making within socio-symbolically inscribed institutional ? elds, a problem to which I return in a subsequent section when looking at Beck’s analysis of tradition, modernity and postmodernity. In raising the issue of the construction and reconstruction of risk – in particular, its active interpretation and reconstruction – one might reference numerous studies of socio-political attitudes relating to the conceptualization and confrontation of risk, danger and hazard.The anthropologist Mary Douglas (1986, 1992), for example, argues that advanced industrial risks are primarily constructed through the rhetoric of purity and pollution. For Douglas, what is most pressing in the social-theoretic analysis of risk is an understanding of how human agents ignore many of the potential threats of daily life and instead concentrate only on selected aspects. Interestingly, Beck fails to discuss in any detail Douglas’s anthropology of risk. This would seem peculiar not only sin ce Douglas’s path-breaking analyses of risk appear to have laid much of the thematic groundwork for Beck’s sociological theory, but also because her work is highly relevant to the critique of contemporary ideologies of risk – that is, the social forms in which risk and uncertainty are differentiated across and within social formations, as well as peculiarly individuated. My purpose in underscoring these various limitations of Beck’s theory is not to engage in some exercise of conceptual clari? cation.My concern rather is to stress the sociologically questionable assumptions concerning risk in Beck’s work, and to tease out the more complex, nuanced forms of risk perception that might fall within the scope of such an approach. To call into question Beck’s notion of risk is, of course, also to raise important issues about the location of re? exivity between self and societal reproduction. Now it is the failure of simple, industrial society to c ontrol the risks it has created, which, for Beck, generates a more intensive and extensive sense of risk in re? xive, advanced modernity. In this sense, the rise of objective, physical, global risks propels social re? exivity. But again one might wish to question the generalizations Beck makes about human agents, modern institutions and culture becoming more re? exive or self-confronting. Much of Beck’s work has been concerned to emphasize the degree of re? exive institutional dynamism involved in the restructuring of personal, social and political life, from the reforging of intimate relationships to the reinvention of politics.But there are disturbing dimensions here as well, which the spread of cultural, ethnic, racial and gendered con? ict has shown only too well, and often in ways in which one would be hard pressed to ? nd forms of personal or social re? exive activity. No doubt Beck would deny – as he has done in his more recent writings – that the renewal of traditions and the rise of cultural con? icts are counterexamples to the thesis of re? exive modernization. For we need to be particularly careful, Beck contends, not to confuse re? exivity (self-dissolution) with re? ction (knowledge). As Beck (1994b: 176–7) develops this distinction: Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 301 022761 Elliott 302 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 302 Number 2 s May 2002 †¦ the ‘re? exivity’ of modernity and modernization in my sense does not mean re? ection on modernity, self-relatedness, the self-referentiality of modernity, nor does it mean the self-justi? ation or self-criticism of modernity in the sense of classical sociology; rather (? rst of all), modernization undercuts modernization, unintended and unseen, and therefore also re? ection-free, with the force of autonomized modernization. †¦ [R]e? exivity of modernity can lead to re? ection on the self-dissolution and self-endangerment of industrial society, but it need not do so. Thus, re? exivity does not imply a kind of hyper-Enlightenment culture, where agents and institutions re? ect on modernity, but rather an unintended self-modi? ation of forms of life driven by the impact of autonomized processes of modernization. Re? exivity, on this account, is de? ned as much by ‘re? ex’ as it is by ‘re? ection’. ‘It is possible to detect’, write Lash et al. (1996) of Beck’s recent sociology, ‘a move towards seeing re? exive modernization as in most part propelled by blind social processes – a shift, crudely, from where risk society produces re? ection which in turn produces re? exivity and critique, to one where risk society automatically produces re? exivity, and then – perhaps – re? ection’.Without wishing t o deny the interest of this radical conception of re? exivity as self-dissolution, it still seems to me that Beck’s contention that contemporary societies are propelled toward self-confrontation, split between re? ex and re? ection, remains dubious. In what sense, for instance, can one claim that re? ection-free forms of societal self-dissolution exist independently of the re? ective capacities of human agents? For what, exactly, is being dissolved, if not the forms of life and social practices through which institutions are structured?How might the analytical terms of re? exivity, that is social re? exes (nonknowledge) and re? ection (knowledge), be reconciled? It may be thought that these dif? culties can be overcome by insisting, along with Beck, on re? exivity in the strong sense – as the unseen, the unwilled, the unintended; in short, institutional dynamism. But such an account of blind social processes is surely incompatible with, and in fact renders incoherent, concepts of re? ection, referentiality, re? exivity.Alternatively, a weaker version of the argument might be developed, one that sees only partial and contextual interactions of selfdissolution and re? ection. Yet such an account, again, would seem to cut the analytical ground from under itself, since there is no adequate basis for showing how practices of re? exivity vary in their complex articulations of re? ex and re? ection or repetition and creativity. Power and Domination I now want to consider Beck’s theory in relation to sociological understandings of power and domination. According to Beck, re? xive modernization combats many of the distinctive characteristics of power, turning set social divisions into active negotiated relationships. Traditional political con? icts, centred around class, race and gender, are increasingly superseded by new, globalized risk con? icts. ‘Risks’, writes Beck (1992: 35), ‘display an equalizing effect’. Everyone Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 303 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott ow is threatened by risk of global proportions and repercussions; not even the rich and powerful can escape the new dangers and hazards of, say, global warming or nuclear war. And it is from this universalized perspective that Beck argues political power and domination is shedding the skin of its classical forms and reinventing itself in a new global idiom. The problematic nature of Beck’s writings on this reinvention of political power and its role in social life, however, becomes increasingly evident when considering his analysis of social inequalities and cultural divisions.Take, for example, his re? ections on class. Re? exive modernization, says Beck, does not result in the self-destruction of class antagonis ms, but rather in selfmodi? cation. He writes (1997: 26): Re? exive modernization disembeds and re-embeds the cultural prerequisites of social classes with forms of individualization of social inequality. That means †¦ that the disappearance of social classes and the abolition of social inequality no longer coincide. Instead, the blurring of social classes (in perception) runs in tandem with an exacerbation of social inequality, which now does not follow large identi? ble groups in the lifeworld, but is instead fragmented across (life) phases, space and time. The present-day individualizing forces of social inequality, according to Beck, erode class-consciousness (personal dif? culties and grievances no longer culminate into group or collective causes) and also, to some considerable degree, class-in-itself (contemporary social problems are increasingly suffered alone). In short, class as a community of fate or destiny declines steeply. With class solidarities replaced by brittl e and uncertain forms of individual self-management, Beck ? ds evidence for a ‘rule-altering rationalization’ of class relationships in new business and management practices, as well as industrial relations reforms. He contends that new blendings of economics and democracy are discernible in the rise of political civil rights within the workplace, a blend which opens the possibility of a post-capitalistic world – a ‘classless capitalism of capital’, in which ‘the antagonism between labour and capital will collapse’. There is considerable plausibility in the suggestion that class patterns and divisions have been altered by rapid social and political changes in recent years.These include changes in employment and the occupational structure, the expansion of the service industries, rising unemployment, lower retirement ages, as well as a growing individualization in the West together with an accompanying stress upon lifestyle, consumption a nd choice. However, while it might be the case that developments associated with re? exive modernization and the risk society are affecting social inequalities, it is surely implausible to suggest, as Beck does, that this involves the trans? guration of class as such. Why, as Scott Lash (Beck et al. , 1994: 211) asks, do we ? nd re? xivity in some sectors of socio-economic life and not others? Against the backdrop of new communication technologies and advances in knowledge transfer, vast gaps in the sociocultural conditions of the wealthy and the poor drastically affect the ways in which individuals are drawn into the project of re? exive modernization. These Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 303 022761 Elliott 304 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 304 Number 2 s May 2002 ensions are especially evident today in new social d ivisions between the ‘information rich’ and ‘information poor’, and of the forces and demands of such symbolic participation within the public sphere. What Beck fails to adequately consider is that individualization (while undoubtedly facilitating unprecedented forms of personal and social experimentation) may directly contribute to, and advance the proliferation of, class inequalities and economic exclusions. That is to say, Beck fails to give suf? cient sociological weight to the possibility that individualization may actually embody systematically asymmetrical relations of class power.Taken from a broader view of the ideals of equal opportunity and social progress, Beck’s arguments about the relationship between advanced levels of re? exivity and the emergence of a new sub-politics do not adequately stand up to scrutiny. The general, tendential assertions he advances about business and organizational restructuring assume what needs to be demonstra ted – namely, that these new organizational forms spell the demise of social class, as well as the viability of class analysis. Moreover, it seems implausible to point to ‘subpolitics’, de? ned by Beck only in very general terms, as symptomatic of a new socio-political agenda.When, for example, have the shifting boundaries between the political and economic spheres not played a primary role in the unfolding of relations between labour and capital? Is decision-making and consciousness really focused on a post-capitalistic rationalization of rights, duties, interests and decisions? A good deal of recent research shows, on the contrary, that income inequality between and within nations continues to escalate (Braun, 1991; Lemert, 1997); that class (together with structures of power and domination) continues to profoundly shape possible life chances and material nterests (Westergaard, 1995); and that the many different de? nitions of class as a concept, encompassing t he marginal, the excluded as well as the new underclass or new poor, are important in social analysis for comprehending the persistence of patterns of social inequality (Crompton, 1996). These dif? culties would suggest that Beck’s theory of risk requires reformulation in various ways.Without wishing to deny that the risk-generating propensity of the social system has rapidly increased in recent years due to the impact of globalization and techno-science, it seems to me misleading to contend that social division in multinational capitalist societies is fully trans? gured into a new logic of risk, as if the latter disconnects the former from its institutionalized biases and processes. The more urgent theoretical task, I suggest, is to develop methods of analysis for explicating how patterns of power and domination feed into, and are reconstituted by, the socio-symbolic structuring of risk.Here I shall restrict myself to noting three interrelated forces, which indicate, in a ge neral way, the contours of how a politics of risk is undergoing transformation. The ? rst development is that of the privatization of risk. Underpinned by new trans-national spatializations of economic relations as well as the deregulation of the government of political life (Giddens, 1990; Hirst and Thompson, 1996; Bauman, 1998), the individual is increasingly viewed today as an active Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. om by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 305 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott agent in the risk-monitoring of collectively produced dangers; risk-information, risk-detection and risk-management is more and more constructed and designed as a matter of private responsibility and personal security. By and large, human agents confront socially produced risks individually.Risk is desocialized; risk-exposure and risk-avoi dance is a matter of individual responsibility and navigation. This is, of course, partly what Beck means by the individualization of risk. However, the relations between individualized or privatized risk, material inequalities and the development of global poverty are more systematic and complex than Beck’s theory seems to recognize. In the post-war period, the shift from Keynesian to monetarist economic policies has been a key factor in the erosion of the management of risk through welfare security.The impact of globalization, transnational corporations and governmental deregulation is vital to the social production of the privatization of risk, all of which undoubtedly has a polarizing effect on distributions of wealth and income. It has also become evident – and this is crucial – that one must be able to deploy certain educational resources, symbolic goods, cultural and media capabilities, as well as cognitive and affective aptitudes, in order to count as a ‘player’ in the privatization of risk-detection and risk-management.People who cannot deploy such resources and capabilities, often the result of various material and class inequalities, are likely to ? nd themselves further disadvantaged and marginalized in a new world order of re? exive modernization. The second, related development concerns the commodi? cation of risk. Millions of dollars are made through product development, advertising, and market research in the new industries of risk, which construct new problems and market new solutions for risk-? ghting individual agents. As risk is simultaneously proliferated and rendered potentially manageable’, writes Nikolas Rose (1996: 342), ‘the private market for â€Å"security† extends: not merely personal pension schemes and private health insurance, but burglar alarms, devices that monitor sleeping children, home testing kits for cholesterol levels and much more. Protection against risk through an investment in security becomes part of the responsibilities of each active individual, if they are not to feel guilt at failing to protect themselves and their loved ones against future misfortunes’.In other words, the typical means for insuring against risk today is through market-promoted processes. However the fundamental point here, and this is something that Beck fails to develop in a systematic manner, is that such ‘insurance’ is of a radically imaginary kind (with all the misrecognition and illusion that the Lacanian-Althusserian theorization of the duplicate mirror-structure of ideology implies), given that one cannot really buy one’s way out of the collective dangers that confront us as individuals and societies. How does one, for example, buy a way out from the dangers of global warming?The commodi? cation of risk has become a kind of safe house for myths, fantasies, ? ction and lies. The third development concerns the instrumentalization of iden tities in terms of lifestyle, consumption and choice. Beck touches on this issue through the individualization strand of his argument. Yet because he sees individualiza- Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 305 022761 Elliott 306 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 306 Number 2 s May 2002 ion as an active process transforming risk society, he pays almost no attention to the kinds of affective ‘investments’, often destructive and pathological, unleashed by an instrumentalization of identities and social relations. Of core importance here is the ‘culture of narcissism’ (Lasch, 1980) which pervades contemporary Western life, and plays a powerful role in the instrumental affective investments in individuals which a risk society unleashes. Joel Kovel (1988) writes of ‘the de-sociation of the narcissist ic character’, a character lacking in depth of emotional attachment to others and communities.Unable to sustain a sense of personal purpose or social project, the narcissistic character, writes Kovel, rarely moves beyond instrumentality in dealing with other people. Such instrumental emotional investments may well be increasingly central to the management of many risk codes in contemporary culture. Consider the ways in which some parents fashion a narcissistic relation with their own children as a kind of imaginary risk-insurance (involving anxieties and insecurities over old age, mortality and the like), rather than relating to their offspring as independent individuals in their own right.Also in risks relating to the home, personal comfort as well as safety, hygiene, health and domesticity, the veneer-like quality of pathological narcissism can be found. Some analytical caution is, of course, necessary here, primarily because the work on narcissistic culture of Lasch and Se nnett, among others, has been criticized in terms of over-generalization (Giddens, 1991: 174–80). Accordingly, it may be more plausible to suggest that narcissistic forms of identity are a tendency within contemporary cultural relations of risk management, and not a wholesale social trend.Beck’s writings, I am suggesting, are less than satisfying on issues of power and domination because he fails to analyse in suf? cient depth the psychological, sociological and political forces by means of which the self-risk dialectic takes its varying forms. To develop a more nuanced interpretative and critical approach, I have suggested, the sociological task is to analyse privatization, commodi? cation and instrumentalization as channels of risk management. Tradition, Modernity, Postmodernity The limitations in the concept of re? xivity I have highlighted are, in turn, connected to further ambiguities concerning the nature of social reproduction in contemporary culture. The produc tion and reproduction of contemporary social life is viewed by Beck as a process of ‘detraditionalization’. The development of re? exive modernization, says Beck, is accompanied by an irreversible decline in the role of tradition; the re? exivity of modernity and modernization means that traditional forms of life are increasingly exposed to public scrutiny and debate. That the dynamics of social re? xivity undercut pre-existing traditions is emphasized by Beck via a range of social-theoretical terms. He speaks of ‘the age of side-effects’, of individualization, and of a sub-politics beyond left and right – a world in which people can and must come to terms with the opportunities and dangers of new technologies, markets, experts, systems and Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:5 0 am Page 307 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott nvironments. Beck thus argues that the contemporary age is one characterized by increased levels of referentiality, ambivalence, ? exibility, openness and social alternatives. It might be noted that certain parallels can be identi? ed between the thesis of detraditionalization and arguments advanced in classical social theory. Many classical social theorists believed that the development of the modern era spelled the end of tradition. ‘All that is solid melts into air’, said Marx of the power of the capitalist mode of production to tear apart traditional forms of social life.That the dynamics of capitalism undercut its own foundations meant for Marx a society that was continually transforming and constantly revolutionizing itself. Somewhat similar arguments about the decline of tradition can be found in the writings of Max Weber. The development of industrial society for Weber was inextricably intertwined with the ri se of the bureaucratic state. Weber saw in this bureaucratic rationalization of action, and associated demand for technical ef? ciency, a new social logic destructive of the traditional texture of society.The views of Marx and Weber, among others, thus advanced a general binary opposition of ‘the traditional’ and ‘the modern’. For proponents of the thesis of detraditionalization, such as Beck, the self-referentiality and social re? exivity of advanced modernity also necessarily implies that traditional beliefs and practices begin to break down. However, the thesis of detraditionalization is not premised upon the broad contrast between ‘the traditional’ and ‘the modern’ that we can discern in much classical social theory. On the contrary, Beck ? nds the relation between tradition and modernity at once complex and puzzling.If tradition remains an important aspect of advanced modernity, it is because tradition becomes re? exive; tradi tions are invented, reinvented and restructured in conditions of the late modern age. So far I think that there is much that is interesting and important in this general orientation of Beck to understanding the construction of the present, past and future. In particular, I think the stress placed upon the re? exive construction of tradition, and indeed all social reproduction, is especially signi? cant – even though I shall go on to argue that this general theoretical framework requires more speci? ation and elaboration. I want, however, to focus on a speci? c issue raised by Beck’s social theory, and ask, has the development of society toward advanced modernization been accompanied by a decline in the in? uence of tradition and traditional understandings of the past? Must we assume, as Beck seems to, that the social construction of tradition is always permeated by a pervasive re? exivity? At issue here, I suggest, is the question of how the concept of re? exivity shou ld be related to traditional, modern and postmodern cultural forms. I shall further suggest that the concept of re? xivity, as elaborated by Beck, fails to comprehend the different modernist and postmodernist ? gurations that may be implicit within social practices and symbolic forms of the contemporary age. In order to develop this line of argumentation, let us consider in some more detail the multiplicity of world traditions, communities and cultures as they impact upon current social practices and life-strategies. I believe that Beck is Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 07 022761 Elliott 308 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 308 Number 2 s May 2002 right to emphasize the degree to which modernity and advanced modernization processes have assaulted traditions, uprooted local communities and broken apart unique regional, e thnic and sub-national cultures. At the level of economic analysis, an argument can plausibly be sustained that the erratic nature of the world capitalist economy produces high levels of unpredictability and uncertainty in social life and cultural relations, all of which Beck analyses in terms of danger, risk and hazard.It is worth noting, however, that Beck’s emphasis on increasing levels of risk, ambivalence and uncertainty is at odds with much recent research in sociology and social theory that emphasizes the regularization and standardization of daily life in the advanced societies. George Ritzer’s The McDonaldization of Society (1993) is a signal example. Drawing Weber’s theory of social rationalization and the Frankfurt School’s account of the administered society into a re? ctive encounter, Ritzer examines the application of managerial techniques such as Fordism and Taylorism to the fast food industry as symptomatic of the in? ltration of instrumen tal rationality into all aspects of cultural life. McDonaldization, as Ritzer develops the term, is the emergence of social logics in which risk and unpredictability are written out of social space. The point about such a conception of the standardization of everyday life, whatever its conceptual and sociological shortcomings, is that it clearly contradicts Beck’s stress on increasing risk and uncertainty, the concept of re? xive individualization, and the notion that detraditionalization produces more ambivalence, more anxiety, and more openness. Of course, Beck insists that re? exive modernization does not mark a complete break from tradition; rather re? exivity signals the revising, or reinvention, of tradition. However, the resurgence and persistence of ethnicity and nationality as a primary basis for the elaboration of traditional beliefs and practices throughout the world is surely problematic for those who, like Beck, advance the general thesis of social re? exivity.Ce rtainly, the thesis would appear challenged by widespread and recently revitalized patterns of racism, sexism and nationalism which have taken hold in many parts of the world, and indeed many serious controversies over race, ethnicity and nationalism involve a reversion to what might be called traditionalist battles over traditional culture – witness the rise of various religious fundamentalisms in the United States, the Middle East and parts of Africa and Asia. These political and theoretical ambivalences have their roots in a number of analytical dif? ulties, speci? cally Beck’s diagnosis of simple and advanced modernity. Beck furnishes only the barest social-historical sketch of simple modernity as a distinctive period in the spheres of science, industry, morality and law. He underscores the continuing importance and impact of simple industrial society for a range of advanced, re? exive determinations (for example politically, economically, technologically and envir onmentally), yet the precise relations of such overlapping are not established or demonstrated in any detail.Exactly how we have moved into the age of re? exive modernization, although often stated and repeated, is not altogether clear. Beck’s main line of explanation seems to focus on the side-effects of modernization as undercutting the Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. com by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 022761 Elliott 13/5/2002 9:50 am Page 309 Beck’s sociology of risk Elliott foundations of modernity. But, again, the dynamics of simple and re? xive modernization, together with their social-historical periodization, remain opaque. In addition, it is not always clear how Beck is intending to draw certain conceptual distinctions between ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ instantiations of respectively simple and advanced modernist socio- symbolic figurations. Rejecting outright any crude opposition between traditional and modern societies, Beck relates a tale of the proliferation of re? exive biographies and practices, lives and institutions, in which creative possibilities develop and new forms of risk and hazard take shape.Yet social advancement is far from inevitable: Beck speaks of counter-modernities. The question that needs to be asked here, however, is whether it is analytically useful for social theory to construct the contemporary age as characterized by interacting tropes of industrial society and re? exive modernization on the one side, and a range of countermodernities on the other. Viewed from the frame of postmodern social theory, and in particular the sociology of postmodernity (see Bauman, 1992a), Beck’s argument concerning the circularity of the relationship between risk, re? xivity and social knowledge appears in a more problematic, and perhaps ultimately inadequate, light. For postmodern so cial theorists and cultural analysts diagnose the malaise of present-day society not only as the result of re? exively applied knowledge to complex techno-scienti? c social environments, but as infused by a more general and pervasive sense of cultural disorientation. The most prominent anxieties that underpin postmodern dynamics of social regulation and systemic reproduction include a general loss of belief in the engine of progress, as well as feelings of out-of-placeness and loss of direction.Such anxieties or dispositions are accorded central signi? cance in the writings of a number of French theorists – notably, Foucault, Derrida, Lyotard, Baudrillard, and Deleuze and Guattari – and also in the work of sociologists and social scientists interested in the rami? cations of post-structuralism, semiotics and deconstruction for the analysis of contemporary society (Lash and Urry, 1987; Harvey, 1989; Poster, 1990; Best and Kellner, 1991; Smart, 1992, 1993; Bauman, 1992a, 2000; Elliott, 1996).Postmodern anxieties or dispositions are, broadly speaking, cast as part of a broader cultural reaction to universal modernism’s construction of the social world, which privileges rationalism, positivism and techno-scienti? c planning. Premised upon a vigorous philosophical denunciation of humanism, abstract reason, and the Enlightenment legacy, postmodern theory rejects the metanarratives of modernity (that is, totalistic theoretical constructions, allegedly of universal application) and instead embraces fragmentation, discontinuity and ambiguity as symptomatic of current cultural conditions.To express the implications of these theoretical departures more directly in terms of the current discussion, if the social world in which we live in the 21st century is signi? cantly different from that of the simple modernization, this is so because of both socio-political and epistemological developments. It is not only re? ection on the globalization of risk tha t has eroded faith in humanly engineered progress. Postmodern contributions stress that the plurality of Downloaded from http://soc. sagepub. om by Madhu Menon on September 24, 2007  © 2002 BSA Publications Ltd.. All rights reserved. Not for commercial use or unauthorized distribution. 309 022761 Elliott 310 13/5/2002 Sociology 9:50 am Volume 36 s Page 310 Number 2 s May 2002 heterogeneous claims to knowledge carries radical consequences for the unity and coherence of social systems. Bluntly stated, a number of core issues are identi? ed by postmodern analysts in this connection: s s s The crisis of representation, instabilities of meaning, and fracturing of knowledge claims;The failure of the modernist project to ground epistemology in secure foundations; The wholesale transmutation in modes of representation within social life itself. Postmodernization in this context spells the problematization of the relationship between signi? er and referent, representation and reality, a re lationship made all the more complex by the computerization of information and knowledge (Poster, 1990). What I am describing as a broadly postmodern sociological viewpoint highlights the de? iency of placing ‘risk’ (or any other sociological variable) as the central paradox of modernity. For at a minimum, a far wider range of sources would appear to condition our current cultural malaise. What is signi? cant about these theoretical sightings, or glimpses, of the contours of postmodernity as a social system are that they lend themselves to global horizons and de? nitions more adequately than the so-called universalism of Beck’s sociology of risk.Against a theoretical backdrop of the break with foundationalism, the dispersion of language games, coupled with the recognition that history has no overall teleology, it is surely implausible to stretch the notion of risk as a basis for interpretation of phenomena from, say, an increase in worldwide divorce rates through to the collapse of insurance as a principle for the regulation of collective life. Certainly, there may exist some family resemblance in trends surrounding new personal, social and political agendas.Yet the seeds of personal transformation and social dislocation are likely to be a good deal more complex, multiple, discontinuous. This is why the change of mood – intellectual, social, cultural, psychological, political and economic – analysed by postmodern theorists has more far-reaching consequences for sociological analysis and research into modernity and postmodernization than does the work of Beck. In Beck’s sociology, the advent of advanced modernization is related to the changing social and technological dimensions of just one institutional sector: that of risk and its calculation.The key problem of re? exive modernization is one of living with a high degree of risk in a world where traditional safety nets (the welfare state, traditional nuclear family, etc . ) are being eroded or dismantled. But what is